PICTURES AS PROMISED!!!

Monteverde




Wednesday

Did some last minute shopping in Jacó before we had to check out of the Blue Palms and head to the bus station to catch a ride to Puntarenas (where Mom and Dad stopped by on their cruise). From there we had to catch a second bus to Monteverde. On the way to Jacó's bus station, the cabbie said he'd take us to Puntarenas for $10 each. He had A/C, was listening to the Rocky soundtrack, and had an SUV. We went for it, and had a pleasant 50 minute ride to Puntarenas.

Then it got ugly.

The buses, which were supposed to leave at 115 and 215 (according to the guide book) actually left at 200 and 215. Yeah I know. It didn't make sense to me either. Anyways the time we had made up in the taxi was lost, so all we could do was wait. I grabbed lunch and tried to find a spot in the shade to protect my bags next to the little bus stop. Lots of venders selling juice, water, peanuts, etc. They often sell water in a plastic bag with a piece of coconut in it for flavor. They tie off the ends like a knap sack. Buying one of those was a costly decision...

The bus was actually a converted school bus. Not like the big Greyhounds that are more common. Apparently its because the people do not want tourism and development, and want to keep their traditional lifestyle. This entails a really shitty bus and an unpaved roadway filled with more rocks, craters, dips, and debris than I have ever experienced. I'm getting ahead of myself. Right before the bus left I decided to buy a coconut water for 300 colones. I borrowed 100 from Emily, who had to get her wallet out of her purse and reach out the window to pay the guy. I can't be sure, but I think that's when she lost her wallet. I was watching her as she took it out, and as she reached out the window. Then I think she dropped it or just forgot to put it away. Don't really know. You have to understand that the bus was complete chaos. It was 90 degrees, the bus was almost completely full, plus it was dusty and windy, plus there several vendors walking in the front of the bus and exiting out the back selling whatever. Three painful, hot, cramped, and bumpy hours later we had to pull over because we got...YEAH! A flat tire! Emily went with Morgan and Jake to buy water or something. When she came back she told me that her wallet wasn't in her purse. We checked to bus to no avail, and then though back to the coconut water. The only other possibility was that somebody took it out of her purse while she slept, in front of other people, and unzipped and rezipped her purse in the process. That seems really, really, really unlikely. But we never found out. The worst part is she had just taken about $200 out of the bank earlier that morning. She really didn't get that upset about it. She didn't cry or anything. I was, again, impressed. I can tell you it would have been a little different if that happened to me.

Another couple more painful hours winding up a hill with beautiful mountains covered with vegetation, with the occasional shanty house with a little yard, and with cows and horses roaming grasslands, we arrived. Like I said, there are no paved roads around here. The town itself if a dump, with a bunch of tourist shops and a couple sodas (little Tico restaurants) that surround a grocery store and the bus shop. It was very dirty and congested. Lots of motorcycles, which are easier and faster to drive on the 4x4 roads they have around here. Also, lots of big trucks, buses, and tourist vans. Lots of Americans and other foreigners were in rental SUVs, usually pulled over on the side of the road looking lost.



Our hostel was a couple minutes down a hill and around the corner. Casa Tranquilo it was called. The guy who checked us in was an American who actually went to the University of Oregon, and graduated in Ben's class last year. Crazy huh? It gets way crazier. He also knew Nicole, a girl in our group. He had studied with her in Granada, Spain over two years ago. Not crazy enough? He was also in Granada, Nicaragua the same time we were a couple of weeks ago, and stayed at our same hotel. What are the odds?! Apparently they have to leave Costa Rica every two months for at least 72 hours or else their visas will expire. He was passing some time there before going back to Monteverde. The next day we were also on a tour who knew another guy in our group, Todd, and actually almost met up with him two days before. It really is a small world.



So we got a room with two double beds and a private bathroom for the first of two nights for like $7 each. The next day we had to switch rooms because ours was taken. Anyways the place was pretty cool. It had a little TV, two computers with (slow) internet, and a dart board. Two cats as well. It was around dinner time when we got settled, and Gonzaga was about to play, so we went into town to get pizza to go. I couldn't wait the whole time so I ran back to the hostel to watch the game. I missed the first 8 minutes, which sucked, but it was the worst Gonzaga game I have watched since they lost to...I think it was Wyoming in 2002. It was when Blake Stepp only made one shot, they shot 27% from the field, and missed 52 shots (exactly twice as many as Wyoming did). They played horribly this year too. By the way, I'm glad Indiana didn't manage to pull the upset over UCLA yesterday.



Friday morning we went to the Monteverde National Park. The ticket guy was an asshole, because he only gave me the student discount ($8 versus $14 just to enter) since I was the only one with a student ID card. I explained to him that Emily had just gotten her wallen stolen yesterday and obviously wouldn't have her student ID. He said everybody says their students. I said look at us. I'm a student, she's my girlfriend, and we are on the same studyabroad program in Costa Rica. He said she could use the internet to get a copy of her registration, print it off, and bring it. I asked if he had internet we could use. He said no. It's a 15 minute ride back to the hostel, so we had no choice but to pay.



The park was amazing. We spent about 3 hours taking the 5k walk. We saw a quetzal, which is the most distinct bird in all of Central America. The male, which is what we saw, has remarkable tail feathers that are two feet long.

From Jacó to Monteverde

It's Thursday morning and I'm sitting jittery in an internet cafe, awaiting the start of the NCAA tournament (no, I don't count the play-in game with the 64th and 65th best teams). I think in about 25 minutes when Maryland takes on Davidson in Buffalo. My Zags play tonight in Sacramento against Indiana (rematch from last year's tournament), and I hope to God that I can find somewhere with CBS so I can watch the game. If not I'll be on the internet for a solid two hours screaming at the computer.

Before I go off on how wonderfully amazing NCAA basketball is, and how heartbroken I am to be missing the first round, and how jealous I am of the 50-100 million Americans who will be watching it, I should catch up to date. I left of on Monday after we lost all of the snorkeling gear...

Monday night

We headed back up the hill to the Banana Tree to shower and get ready for the night. We decided to take it a lot easier. Emily and I headed next door around 5 to the Gato Negro (Black Cat). You can check out what it looks like from the road in the link below. The highest part of the building, the little canopy on the roof, was the bar.

http://www.casitaseclipse.org/restaurant.htm

With 2 x 1 drink specials, it wasn't that bad of a deal. We got a table right up front and enjoyed the last few minutes of the sunset along the Pacific. There was also a distant lightning storm on the opposite side that was faded by clouds. Very, very beautiful area. After Happy Hour Emily and I went to dinner across the street at El Avion, or "The Airplane." It features an actual C-123 airplane that ran its missions out of Spokane's own Fairchild Air Force Base! I think that is pretty sweet. Anyway, this particular plane has history dating back to the Contra War. It's worth checking out the link below to El Avion's website, because it explains how they got a military aircraft to this remote beach town in Costa Rica. Check it out:

http://www.costaverde.com/avion01.htm

We sat up on the higher of two floors and had a great dinner, including desert. They brought us the wrong bill, which literally didn't have a single thing we ordered on it, including two Diet Cokes, a pack of Marlboros, and a tunafish salad. Since I figured the bill was less than what ours would have been, we immediately walked up to pay it. The waiter noticed that our chocolate cake wasn't on the bill, so we thought we were toast. He just charged us another 1000 colones (instead of the 2300 is cost) and we made it. Probably saved about $8 or so. Good work on our end. We played cards after that and called it an early night. Too much partying the day before.

Tuesday

Headed out on a bus to Jacó today after a morning of shopping. I can't remember if I mentioned that Monday's in Manuel Antonio are very low-key since the park is always closed. So we couldn't do any shopping yesterday. I got a couple Imperial T-shirts that I hadn't seen anywhere else. I like to go to the same stands a couple different times, because they have different people working. They will usually tell you different prices if you ask different people. I saved $4 on two shirts by leaving and coming back 20 minutes later, which felt like a victory. Anyways around noon we caught a but to Jacó for only 750 colones each (remember $1 is 518 colones). About a 90 minute ride. We cabbed it the the Blue Palms, the same hotel that Morgan stayed at a couple of months ago when he was here. A little far but great rooms and really inexpensive. The guys hit the beach after checking out surf rentals, and Emily went window shopping. We had a miscommunication and I though Emily was supposed to meet us, so I looked for her for almost an hour up and down the beach. She was, of course, shopping, just like the surf instructor I talked to assured me.

On a hilaroius note, I got stung by a jelly fish right in the middle of my foot while looking for Emily. It hurt a little at first, then gradually worse and worse. The next several minutes involved these events:

1. Me screaming that I got stung (conveniently 300 yards from our meeting spot, while walking the opposite direction).
2. Me waddling back to the restaurant and meeting spot.
3. Me running into Emily on the way back.
4. Her looking confused at my cadence.
5. Me asking her to pee on my foot.
6. Her asking why.
7. Us both going into a men's public restroom with lots of people watching us.
8. Her peeing on my foot.
9. My foot immediately feeling better (within two seconds).
10. Us having to leave the public bathroom with two managers staring at us.

It was pretty funny. More later, since we're leaving Jacó now to catch a bus to Monteverde Cloud Forests. Going from the beach to the mountains.

Recap! Done with school, on to traveling

A lot has happened in the last few days. I'm going for a quick recap, since Emily wants to head to the beach.

Thursday night

Every prefunked at Nicholas' house, who is our age and works at Intercultura. They hired a DJ, had a fire, and had a dog named Brownie which I of course loved. We all had a good time, and headed over to Le Bistro for Peter's birthday party. A great night for me. I dropped a glass on the dance floor though. One guy in our group drank over a fifth, passed out at Nicholas' house, woke up, and accused his friends of stealing his camera and Ipod. They kicked him out of the house after an argument apparently, the police came, and he found his camera in the gutter. He cried all night till 6 am. His host family kicked him out the next morning. Worst part is he doesnt really remember any of it. Pics later from the club.

Friday

Big Max our director took us out to a cool Lebanese restaurant as our final shabang. It was a surprise. We had some drinks before hand at Bolevar. Food was great, we sat on the floor and I had some white russians. Took a cab home early around 11 to rest up. Later found out that Jimmy, Eric, and Chiam (guy mentioned above) got robbed at gun point right by my house later that night. Chiam had a rough couple of days... Anyway they didnt get hurt and only lost a total of about $70. Lucky I guess.

Saturday

Rest day. Cleaned my room, packed up my stuff, and watched a couple movies. Manuel Antonio tomorrow. Convinced Megan, Peter, Morgan Carl, and Morgan Carl's buddy to go with us.

Sunday

Left my house at 445 am to go to the Coca Cola bus station. Caught the express bus at 600 to Manuel Antonio, slept the whole way, and got there around 930 am. Stayed at a hotel called the Banana Tree, which is apparently catered to gay people (who knew?). Taxis are expensive here, they don't use the meters ever, and there's nothing to do about it. Lots of Americans here. Very touristy. We saw a bunch of spider monkeys, another sloth, some white-faced monkeys, a weird badger thing with a long tail that I still don't know what it is, and lots of birds and butterflies at the National Park. They only let 600 people in a day which is sweet. We entered though the exit via some local's advice, and avoided the $7 entrance fee (Sweet!). There were a couple absolutely pristine beaches inside the park, and we took a swim. It was beautiful. Again, pics later. Drank on the beach with four others from our group we met up there, and got harassed by locals quite a bit. We were just on the beach because there is no night life there. At all. Lots of drugs though. Crack, coke, and tons of weed. This crackhead was asking me for 700 colones to pay his landlord for rent for over an hour. I got some great practice on my Spanish while refusing to pay him. Finally he told me he worked in the surf shop by us and he would give me free lessons all day if I gave him 700 colones (which obviously is ridiculous). I told him he didn't work there. Then he ran and got a surfboard and tried to get us to go surfing...drunk...at 100 am...with a broken surfboard...that didnt have any fins on it. We laughed at him and finally he said ¨This is bullsheet¨and left. Apologized later. Interesting night.

Monday

Went kayaking with snorkeling equipment out to a couple rocks about a kilometer away. Some some cool fish, but the waves were huge and the coral was shallow, and you got sucked into the rocks at certain points. Pretty dangerous, so we cut it short. I was getting sea sick from the waves. Headed over to a different part of the beach on our two kayaks that was deserted, and the huge waves knocked us out. We lost all four pairs of masks because of the strong undercurrent. Expensive mistake. We had to pay $16 for each. Did I mention we rented this stuff from a coke head? Didnt mean to directly support his drug habit, but he gave us a really good deal on the rental ($10 each). Gotta go to the beach! More later!

End of Nicaragua, my Paper, and my Presentation

The last day in Nicaragua, a Saturday, was a free day for everybody. I didn't really end up sleeping in at all, because it gets too hot in the room. Ten guys in one hostel room, five sets of bunk beds, and a pair of fans. The fans didn't help. I think I've gone four nights in a row without using any sheets. Emily and I walked to Parque Central to do some shopping. She got a few pair of earrings, I got a couple bootlegged DVDs (Children of Men and Babel) for 50 córdobas ($2.75), and some other goodies to remain a secret. One of my dvds works, but I have to crank to volume to get decent audio. Haven't tried the other one.

That night we went to a restaurant with a great 6-9 happy hour. Two mojitos for 20 córdobas (just over a dollar). Burritos were on special for 40 córdobas as well. Most of the group headed home by 9, but I hung out with Eric and Megan talking with a couple local Nicaraguans until after 11. It was nice practicing my Spanish for a couple hours straight, just sitting on the sidewalk across the street from the restaurant. One of the most chill nights of the program.

I went to bed immediately when I got back to Hotel Oasis, since we had to be on our buses at 600 am. Sunday ended up being a rididulous travel day. The only thing worth mentioning is that Morgan, Max, Jeff, and myself all lost our white slip receipts while in Nicaragua. Appararently we were supposed to hold on to them to get back. We ended up forging new ones and paying off the customs guy. Oh yeah--I bought 2 liters of Flor de Caña 7 year rum at the Duty Free store for $8 each. It's great stuff. I still haven't broken out my Cubans yet though...

MONDAY AND TUESDAY

School work. Jeff and I are working on our paper and presentation together, which is due Wednesday morning. Monday ended up being an 8 hour day. We split a pitcher and Emily got a whiskey sour at La Choza to wind down around 11 pm. I changed one of the TVs to ESPN to catch the WCC Championship, but they had soccer highlights on instead. I was pretty pissed, but at least Gonzaga won.

Tuesday was another long work day. We put in 13 hours. Not much else to say. The paper is posted below. A few things didn't quite translate in the formatting, but the words are still there.


Jeff Buhrman
Colin Fulton
07.03.2007
Case Study Final Essay

Research Question: In which ways and to what extent has the migration of Nicaraguans into Costa Rica affected the economies of both countries?

OVERVIEW
In the past thirty years, large numbers of Nicaraguans have migrated south to Costa Rica for various reasons. These reasons range from political, economic, and environmental, among others. Though the specific forces encouraging migration have changed over time, Nicaragua has constantly maintained an active role as an exporter of human labor. According to Raphaëlle Bail:
[h]istorically, Nicaraguans have always used their southern neighbor as a refuge during periods of violence, such as the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza or the war of the 1980s. But since the 1990s migration has been driven by the struggle for economic survival.

In this paper, we will argue that the development and expansion of the Costa Rican economy over recent years has both been aided by, and is a direct result of, the growing need for a larger labor force and the continuing presence of Nicaraguans in Costa Rica. Throughout the paper we will use various sources including books, interviews, scholastic articles, websites, and research studies to support our thesis. The nature of this topic must always be remembered while absorbing the information presented in this paper, because the statistics on immigration are not necessarily accurate. Some sources have potentially overestimated immigration while some have been significantly more conservative. Through our research, we have tried our best to present the most realistic and thorough studies, but incongruencies still appear.

A TUMULTUOUS HISTORY: 30 YEARS OF MIGRATORY FLOWS
Historically, Nicaragua has been torn by repressive dictatorships and civil war, battered by several forms of natural disasters, and the subject of economic sanctions and restructurings. These events have left hundreds of thousands of people displaced—without homes, jobs, or basic necessities like potable water. Naturally, this has caused a great exodus of Nicaraguans to pursue opportunities outside of their country; their nation’s government and economy have been unable to respond to or control their unfortunate situation with efficiency or expediency.

Thousands moved to Costa Rica after the December 23, 1972 earthquake in Managua which killed over 6,000 people, destroyed 90% of the structures in the nation’s capitol, and resulted as the worst seismic catastrophe in the history of the North and Central America. This event threw the country into turmoil, and caused an initial flow of 10,000 Nicaraguans to migrate south to Costa Rica. More followed during the civil war in the 1970s in the battle to overthrow the 45-year-long Somoza family dictatorship. Perhaps the biggest migration was a result of the Contra war under Sandinista rule in the 1980s as the country continued to be plagued with military struggles and a crippled economy. In 1984, an armed conflict between the Contras and Sandinista government broke out, and Costa Rica received over 50,000 Nicaraguan immigrants as a result of citizens fleeing a military draft. The majority of these refugees were between the ages of 16 and 25.

Major structural adjustment policies (SAPs) sanctioned by non-governmental organizations on Nicaragua during the 1990s caused large numbers of citizens to also migrate to Costa Rica. These programs aimed to transform Nicaragua from socialism to capitalism by cutting government jobs and undergoing privatization. This left a huge percentage of the population unemployed and caused catastrophically high inflation rates of over 30% a year. This poor economic performance over the past two decades can be “directly attributed to a large surplus labour force [that] was created by the profound restructuring of wealth and political power that resulted from the 1990 change in government” (Mahler). Finally in 1998, thousands of families fled Nicaragua after the devastating damage of hurricane Mitch, seeking safety, solidarity, and better living conditions.

Regardless of the reasons, the exodus of thousands of educated, skilled, and capable Nicaraguans has starved the country of the intellectual ferment needed for an economic rebound. The families that have stayed in Nicaragua and survived the more difficult times face a dilemma. They can either keep the family unit in tact, usually living in extreme poverty, or send a family member abroad to earn more money. Typically, the family member capable of making the most money is the one who migrates. While this may provide additional income for each individual family, it causes greater problems at a national level.

BRAIN DRAIN AND NICARAGUA’S ECONOMY
The exportation of Nicaragua’s most skilled workers to provide for families back home has caused a “brain drain” on the workforce, hindering the development of Nicaragua’s economy. The brain drain is causing a decrease in the average level of human capital within Nicaragua as the more-educated—and therefore more capable—leave to find better jobs abroad. In the short and long run, brain drain results in negative impacts on Nicaragua’s capacity to achieve an open and innovative economy, thus inhibiting economic progress in a nation struggling in the transition from socialism to free-market capitalism. When examining immigration it is important to understand the history of Nicaragua and the situations today that Nicaraguans face in their country. The circumstances they have faced cause them to seek out a source of income in other countries (typically Costa Rica) that is essentially unattainable in Nicaragua.

REMITTANCES
After stabilizing themselves in another country with economic opportunities for them, the immigrants will then send remittance checks to their families in Nicaragua to help pay for the family’s everyday needs. As seen below in Table 1, remittances became more important for Nicaragua’s economy each year during the 1990s, both in absolute terms and as a percentage of GDP.
Total Remittances Sent to Nicaragua
Year
Millions of US$
% of GDP
% of Total Exports
1990
15,0
1,0%
4,5%
1991
15,0
0,9%
5,5%
1992
10,0
0,6%
4,5%
1993
25,0
1,4%
9,3%
1994
50,0
2,8%
14,9%
1995
75,0
4,1%
16,1%
1996
95,0
4,9%
20,4%
1997
150,0
7,6%
26,0%
1998
200,0
9,7%
34,9%
1999
300,0
13,6%
55,0%
2000
320,0
13,7%
50,4%
Source: International Organization for Migration

Table 1

Remittances to families are now the leading source of income in Nicaragua, making up more than 20% of national GDP in 2003, according to the Inter-American Development Bank. By 2005, the number had jumped to over 30%, and has seen a growing trend each time new figures are compiled. Total remittances to Nicaragua amounted to over $1 billion in 2005, with over one third of them coming from Costa Rica (Agunias). Shockingly, these figures fail to take into account remittance money sent via mail or sent back home with family and friends. Other seasonal agriculture workers save up all of their remittance money and bring home one lump sum after their three or four month stays (Cortés). After taking into account remittance transfers that fail to leave a paper trail, it is easy to understand that the figures released are at least conservative, if not severely underestimated, in revealing the impact of remittances on Nicaragua’s economy. The increasing reliance on remittances is a strong signal that Nicaragua is a country lacking the resources and opportunities to keep its citizens at home.

ENCOUNTERING RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA
When examining this controversial subject, it is important to be cognizant of the general ways in which Costa Ricans perceive Nicaraguans and the recent escalation of racism since the 1980s. Sarah J. Mahler and Dusan Ugrina of Florida International University explain that:
[r]elations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua continue to be strained owing to long-standing border disputes, and these have translated into popular anti-Nicaraguan sentiment. This has consequences for Nicaraguan migration; for example, the Costa Rican government recently passed a punitive immigration law to become effective in August 2006 that raises penalties for smugglers, facilitates deportations of undocumented immigrants, and transforms various aspects of legal residency, making them more restrictive.

It is worth mentioning that the majority of Costa Rican’s view Nicaraguans as a second-class citizen who is uneducated, dangerous, and dirty. This viewpoint is perpetuated by the media’s portrayal of Nicaraguans as being responsible for Costa Rica’s problems, including crime and a deteriorating social security system. As a result, Costa Rica faces a paradox between the fear of the “threatening other” invading their country, and a reliance on their cheap, abundant labor to fuel their booming economy.

THE STATUS QUO IN NICARAGUA
Today, Nicaraguans are still crossing the San Juan River, which separates Costa Rica, the self-proclaimed “Switzerland of Central America,” with Nicaragua, the second-poorest country in the Western hemisphere. However, the forces causing them to move are different than they have been historically. Nicaraguans are migrating both legally and illegally in search of better working alternatives and a higher standard of living, providing an escape from Nicaragua’s ongoing economic recession. The recession has furthered the extent of poverty in Nicaragua to unprecedented heights in the past two decades. The migration that it has sparked is so prevalent that Nicaragua is commonly referred to as a major exporter of human labour (Docquier). Costa Rica has benefited greatly from the increased work force that has willingly filled up jobs in agriculture, construction, and domestic services that are seen as undesirable for Costa Ricans in the status quo.

Poverty is extreme in Nicaragua: the Census of 2000 indicated that 48.9% of the population is classified as poor. According to UPOLI sociologist Areli Mendez, that figure is growing: 64% of the population was considered poor in 2006. The slumping Nicaraguan economy had a combined unemployment and disemployment rate of 50.5% in 2005 (Bail). That translates into over one half of the workforce lacking sufficient employment opportunities. Nicaraguans are finding such opportunities in Costa Rica, their southern neighbor with a thriving economy and a perpetual labor shortage. By looking more closely, it is evident that economic reasons are the primary motive. According to the Costa Rican Census of 2000, 73% of naturalized Nicaraguan immigrants who responded to the survey cited “economic reasons” as the primary reason for migrating.

COSTA RICA AND ITS LABOR SHORTAGE
The recent history of Costa Rica’s economic expansion coincides with the uneasy times that Nicaragua has faced. Costa Rica has historically put all its eggs in one basket, relying heavily on agricultural exports to fuels its economy. Cash crops included bananas, pineapple, coffee, cotton, tobacco, beans, rice, and sugar cane. However, beginning in the 1980s, a shift in the market began to take place due to an economic transformation. Many structural adjustment programs were put in place which accelerated growth and caused an expansion of exports. Towards the end of the 1980s, sweatshops were highly prevalent, further resulting in an expansion of demand for a growing labor force.

As of recently, Intel Corporation has moved a $300 million custom microprocessor plant to Costa Rica and has further advanced the economic landscape of the country. Even more importantly, alongside the increase in manufacturing came the emergence of the mass tourism and eco-tourism industries. Lastly, countless real estate developments catered to affluent Americans and Europeans have ballooned prices of beachfront property and certain areas in San José.

NICARAGUANS WORKING IN COSTA RICA
An astounding 34 percent of Nicaraguan homes report having at least one family member living outside the country (Catholic Relief Services). The overabundant supply of cheap, unskilled workers to fill their labor shortage has stimulated the Costa Rican economy in various sectors, just as the same phenomenon is occurring with Mexican immigration into the United States.

Costa Rica has always had a relative lack of labor force, based on its population versus its development (Cortés). Despite this fact, the rapid economic expansion that Costa Rica has faced has been able to occur because of the presence of Nicaraguans and other migrants to fill the positions and jobs that are no longer wanted by Costa Ricans. As Costa Ricans have moved “up the ladder” to fill higher-paying, skilled jobs, Nicaraguan laborers have gladly filled the unskilled, lower-paying job openings. For the majority of Nicaraguans, these new employment opportunities abroad pay significantly better than jobs in their home country, though worse than most jobs in Costa Rica. For example, nurses in Nicaragua are paid $150 to $200 US per month. If they do the same work in Costa Rica, they can make $500 to $1000 US per month (Mendez). Costa Rican workers are also paid higher wages than an equally skilled Nicaraguan working next to him.

If you see a domestic worker, security guard, coffee picker or construction worker in Costa Rica, there is a strong likelihood he or she is Nicaraguan. These jobs are typical of ones that are no longer pursued by Ticos and thus are filled by migrating workers. Although the xenophobia towards the “threatening other” has resulted in estimates as high as two million Nicaraguans living in Costa Rica, academic scholars estimate that about 350,000 Nicaraguans are actually permanent residents (Cortès et al). Nearly all of the researchers interviewed and academic studies covering the subject agree that the number is somewhere in that range, with up to 450,000 from January to April during harvest season. It is important to understand the level of difficulty that is associated with obtaining an accurate count of immigrants, both legal and illegal. The number of Nicaraguans also fluctuates, mainly because many of the migrant workers come to Costa Rica for harvesting season, then return to Nicaragua.

Alberto Cortés, PhD Professor of Migration Dynamics at UCR, estimates today that between 80% and 90% of all agriculture in Costa Rica is done by Nicaraguans. This number may sound shocking, exaggerated, or even racist. However, it is a reality that Costa Rica is extremely reliant on Nicaraguans for successful harvesting of their crops.

The types of jobs that Nicaraguans are migrating for are the ones that Costa Rica has a relative lack of labor force to fill. Cortés often refers to these jobs as “the ‘3 Ds’: dirty, dangerous, and difficult.” He mentions that now a hierarchy is forming in Costa Rica where jobs are segmented based on country of origin. Clearly, at the top of this hierarchy are Costa Ricans, who boast a 96% national literacy rate and arguable the most advanced economy in Central America. They are able to obtain the jobs requiring more skill and a higher level of education. The bottom rungs are saturated with Nicaraguans who have lower qualifications, standards, and expectations in the labor market. As seen in Table 2, over 80% of Costa Ricans are at least semi-skilled. On the other hand, almost half of Nicaraguans living in Costa Rica are unskilled workers. Furthermore, this only counts legal Nicaraguans who have been residents for more than six months. Undoubtedly, this figure is higher when taking undocumented and illegal Nicaraguans into account. As more skilled jobs are created for Costa Ricans to fill, openings are created in the unskilled labor sectors such as agriculture, construction, and domestic services for Nicaraguans and other immigrants to obtain.


Costa Rica: Skills of Employed Workers by Nationality, 2000

Nicaraguan
Costa Rican
Degree of skills/formal education
100%
100%
Unskilled (0-5 years of schooling)
41.2
18.5
Semi-skilled (6-10 years)
45.8
52.2
Skilled (11+ years)
13.0
29.3
Source: International Organization for Migration
Table 2
Again, the situation of migrants taking low-end jobs has drawn much attention from researchers, in part because of its similarity to the United States and Mexico border dispute. In the United States (Costa Rica), the poor and lesser educated Mexicans (Nicaraguans) willingly fill jobs that have become undesirable to Americans (Costa Ricans). In fact, certain industries are becoming dominated by and reliant upon migrant laborers. One industry of particular interest to researchers in Costa Rica is the production and harvesting of coffee.

COSTA RICA’S COFFEE INDUSTRY
For decades Costa Rica has received an influx of migrant workers to fulfill seasonal labor needs. During harvest season, an abundance of manual labor is needed to pick beans and fruit before they are lost in nature’s natural process. However, in the past two decades there has been a demographic shift among agricultural workers: they are becoming increasingly foreign.

Since the beginning of 1990, when the economic crisis in Nicaragua began, a contingent of Nicaraguans began moving to Costa Rica. They were willing to take whatever type of productive job available, and were more willing to accept poorer labor conditions than native Costa Ricans. Costa Rica’s National Employment Office noted that, “in recent years, we are finding an ample participation of refugees in manual labor, and a decreasing disposition for Costa Ricans to work in the harvesting of crops” (Alvarenga). Of course, this trend signaled the beginning of a huge economic advantage for the coffee plantation owners. They could offer lower wages, force longer hours, and provide fewer benefits to illegal migrants than a fellow Costa Rican would demand.
The ultimate result for these owners has been more competitive prices, greater profit margins, and a growing exploitation of and reliance on Nicaraguan coffee pickers. Guillermo Canet, Executive Secretary of PROMECAFÉ, a regional cooperative program for the development of coffee in Central America, notes that, “Nicaraguan manual labor has prevented the loss of a large part of coffee crops in Costa Rica in recent years” (qtd. in Schmidt 28).

Essentially, the Costa Rican coffee industry has become dependent on Nicaraguans. As of February 1998, 75% of Costa Rica’s agricultural work was done by workers originating from Nicaragua (LimitsToGrowth.org.). “Without foreigners, the coffee doesn't get picked,” said Miguel Badilla, one of more than 750 producers who make up the local cooperative Coopedota in Santa María de Dota (qtd. in Schmidt 46). His region, located south of San José, has struggled to find enough hands during harvest season. Undeniably, without immigrants Costa Rica’s coffee industry would be devastated. Without immigrants, the number of agricultural workers would be reduced by 75% unless Costa Ricans were willing to substitute. As seen in Table 3, this shift in the supply curve to the left would not only reduce the number of agricultural laborers, but would cause farm owners to pay higher wages.
Table 3

FUTURE OUTLOOK
In the future, Costa Rica may not have the luxury of countless unskilled migrant workers to help meet demand during labor shortages. Fewer and fewer Nicaraguans are migrating to Costa Rica each year (Cortés). Instead, they are increasingly opting to move to El Salvador for employment opportunities as its economic climate improves and their labor needs increase. This will ultimately result in some Costa Rican sectors downsizing, particularly agriculture. The future projected lack of labor force, partly a result of Costa Rica’s new immigration laws, has caused estimates of a 15% to 25% reduction in agricultural exports alone in the next year (Bail). The combination of more restrictive immigration laws coupled with El Salvador’s competition for cheap Nicaraguan labor will potentially weaken Costa Rica’s economy down the road.

CONCLUSION
The overall effects of migration on the economies of both countries vary. For Nicaragua, migration is both positive and negative. This is because the remittances received from migrants generate income for families and account for 30% of the country’s gross domestic product. However, since Nicaragua is exporting its most skilled workers to generate these remittances, they are experiencing a decapitalization of their population from the brain drain that is taking place (Howe). Nicaragua is figuratively “treading water” with the remittance money as its final lifeline. Unfortunately, until Nicaragua can develop a plan to prevent brain drain and get heavier returns from human capital, this trend will only worsen. This is evidenced by the increasing impact on remittances every year.

Costa Rica’s economy is benefiting greatly from the migration of Nicaraguans. In fact, what many Costa Ricans fail to recognize is that migrants are essential to the success of their country. Without an abundance of migrant workers, Costa Rica’s economy would not be as strong as it is today. The migrants have filled in the jobs when there was a labor shortage, allowing for economic expansion to be possible.

As a whole, Nicaraguan migrants have contributed significantly to the health of Costa Rica’s economy. By taking care of their children, building Costa Rica’s offices and infrastructure, and harvesting their crops, migrant Nicaraguans are allowing Costa Ricans to pursue more skilled, higher paying jobs. To conclude, we have found that the rapid economic expansion that Costa Rica has faced has only been able to occur because of the presence of Nicaraguans and other migrants to fill the jobs requiring fewer skills that today are no longer pursued by Costa Ricans.


WORKS CITED

Agunias, Dovelyn. “Remittance Trends in Central America.” Migration Policy Institute. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=393 (accessed February 28, 2007).

Alvarenga, Patricia. Cuaderno de Ciencias Sociales: Trabajadores Inmigrantes En La Caficultura. San José: Sede Académica Costa Rica, 2000.

Bail, Raphaëlle. “Nicaragua exports its poor.” Le Monde diplomatique (January 2007). http://mondediplo.com/2007/01/12nicaragua (accessed March 3, 2007).

Catholic Relief Services. “Nicaraguan Migration to Costa Rica —A Call to Solidarity.” Our Work: Nicaragua. http://www.crs.org/our_work/where_we_work/overseas/latin_america_and_the_caribbean/nicaragua/migration.cfm (accessed March 3, 2007).

Cortés, Alberto. Interview by the authors. February 19 and 21, 2007.

Cortés, Alberto. “Nicaragua’s Indispensable Migrants and Costa Rica’s Unconscionable New Law.” Envio 297 (April 2006). http://www.envio.org.ni/articulo/3253 (accessed March 3, 2007).

Docquier, Frederic. “The Brain Drain and Inequality Across Nations. FNRS and IRES, Universite Catholique de Belgium. http://www.afd.fr/jahia/webdav/site/myjahiasite/users/administrateur/public/eudn2006/Docquier_ppt.pdf (accessed March 4, 2007).

Howe, Genevieve. “Nicaragua: Nearly Gone & Almost Forgotten.” Z Magazine. http://zena.secureforum.com/znet/ZMag/articles/may97howe.html (accessed March 5, 2007).

International Organization for Migration. “A Binational Study: the State of Migration Flows between Costa Rica and Nicaragua.” In Migration Course Reader, University of Washington, edited by The State of the Nation Project, 2001.

LimitsToGrowth.org. “Remittances Becoming More Entrenched.” http://www.limitstogrowth.org/WEB-text/remittances.html (accessed March 5, 2007).

Mahler, Sarah J. “Central America: Crossroads of the Americas.” Migration Policy Institute. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?id=386 (accessed February 25, 2007).

Schmidt, Blake. “Coffee Industry Struggles in Today’s Economy.” Tico Times (Feb. 1, 2007). http://humanity.humanbeams.com/index.php/humanity/comments/lbr1007schmidt_coffee_industry_struggles_costa_rica (accessed March 6, 2007).

United States Geological Survey. “Historic Earthquakes.” Earthquakes Hazard Program. http://earthquake.usgs.gov/regional/world/events/1972_12_23.php (accessed February 25, 2007).

Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. “Economy of Nicaragua.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Nicaragua (accessed March 4, 2007).

Granada Continued

So the name of the place from Thursday night was Café Nuit. Glad I got that cleared up. So Friday ended up being a hell of a day. Four people missed the bus, which left at 730 am, including the birthday girl. She ended up (apparently) passed out in one of the numerous hammocks in the hotel lobby with her dress on backwards (400 am swimming) and puke on herself. I wasn't feeling that great myself, but at least I made it home at a decent hour. I was kinda pissed we left a couple of the guys (two of them were actually attempting to get their lives together before the bus left) because we ended up waiting for like 30 minutes at a gas station to meet up with some Nicaraguan students. We could've spared a two more minutes, but the bus ended up leaving really late anyways, and I gave them a few last warnings.

Another couple hours on the bus on dirt and gravel roads, one forged river, and a sweaty, humid, hot, thirty, slightly-hungover-but-mostly-just-hungry me, we arrived at a little Nicaraguan...village. Or a school yard area. It's kind of hard to describe. There were lots of oxen on the road, pigs, baby pigs, ducks and chickens, wild dogs, and lots of little chicks everywhere. There were a few pastures with barbed wire with manure pastures. The rest of the land was just dry, dusty, and dashed with the occasional cactus, rock, or weed. It was very desolate. This area was the school that eight different tiny Nicaraguan communities met to learn. They only had one actualy school building, which was a square. No walls inside. Instead, each corner had a blackboard, and each corner represented one of the four classrooms in the school. They did have real desks. I liked it when a chicken or pig or dog would wander in to see the people (e.g. beg for food). I gave the pig some bread but he got scared when everybody clapped and he quickly waddled out the door to safety.

We all made introductions, which took along time, and the head school teacher talked to us in Spanish mostly, even though he spoke English. But that's not what annoys me. What annoys me is that a few of my group members pretend to understand everything by nodding, even though they don't have a clue what is going on. Of course, when the professor would pause (this isn't just referring to this instance, but anytime we have a Spanish speaker) and ask if there are any questions, nobody says anything. Whatever.

We all headed out to fix up a run-down playground a couple hundred yards down the road. We picked up tons of rocks, sanded and repainted different playground toys, uprooted slides that were in four-foot concrete foundations, and hacked cacti with machetes, among other things. I was really impressed with how hard Emily worked during the whole time.

A lot of the girls are complaining, whining, bitching, moping, etc. at this point in the trip. I would like to send a couple of them home personally. But Emily worked her butt off, as did maybe half of the group. A couple of the girls hid by the van the whole time and drank water.

Lunch break in the school house followed by the most awkward experience on the trip. They were playing music on the sound system and a girl, who is about to turn 15, started dancing in the middle. And I mean dancing. In a skirt, with her shirt hiked up. She kept grabbing different guys (and a girl or two) from the group to "dance" with. Then older men were going out to dance with her, including the priest. It was really uncomfortable for all of us, and later I found out that she wasn't supposed to be dancing that sexually, to put it lightly, and the Nicaraguans were embarassed. Anyways, she tried to pull me out of my chair but I wouldn't get up, so I ended up getting a fricking lap dance, with my girlfriend next to me. Awkward.

After lunch we listened to a few speeches from locals, and ended up playing another soccer game with locals like at Bribri. We played on a dirt field with all the little kids watching, laughing, and interacting with the girls. We had the side with wind in our faces, and I had brown spit after the game. I also cut my leg on a tree stump. All sorts of obstacles on the field, and our goal was between two rocks. Theirs was a tool shed. We lost 3-2.

Back on the bus. I have never been so damn hot, tired, and sweaty on the entire trip. It took a few paper towels to get the sweat off my body. I really can't stress enough how fricking hot Nicaragua is compared to Costa Rica. Stuffy and humid, yet no precipitation for weeks or months at a time. It reminded me of how my clothes would stick to me in Rome after ten minutes on the street.

Nicaragua and its Treachery

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This is where Granada is in relation to Costa Rica.

So just after my last post I ran into four of the girls from my group on the street corner. They were all out of breath and one of them was crying, and they looked scared as hell. It turns out that they had just been mugged, with one of the girls getting her purse literally ripped out of her hands. They were a block or so away from the Bearded Monkey, a cool little hostel/restaurant/bar when they got directions from a security guard. They turned down a street that had no lights (this is around 830 pm) and noticed a group of kids around 18 or so closed up the street behind them. They walked faster and took another turn and the group was gaining on them. I guess one guy ran after them and grabbed Kristen and tore the purse out of her hands. Everybody else ran away with the rest of the mob screaming, "¡Corre, corre!" (Run!). Kristen was such a mess from the whole thing that she ended up going home the next day (as in back to Seattle). This is the same girl that had her backpack literally taken out from under her feet at McDonald's in Heredia, losing her camera and laptop about a month ago. There was a bunch of fallout from some of the girls in our group that night with our director Max, mainly stemming from the incident and the fact that he found out about it soon after and instead of coming back to the hostel where the girls were waiting for him (not sure what they thought he was going to do though) he stayed out drinking with others. They said it was irresponsible and that he didn't care, which is understandable to a certain extent. However, all of us are adults, at least twenty years old, and it's not his job to babysit us. There was a lot of crying and complaining, etc. I think it's safe to say that he sobered up very quickly when he realized he was up against a mob of sober, terrified, disgruntled women. Glad I wasn't a part of that one.

On to Thursday. We went to a university in Managua, the capital city of Nicaragua, to meet with various professors to get material for our papers. It was an hour and a half on the bus there, which was not a fun ride for the people who were out drinking the night before. We were introduced to the four different professors in their little catholic church building. They sang a song for us (national anthem of Nicaragua maybe?), which was unusual because the students weren't scared or embarassed to sing. They were actually all into it. They wanted us to sing a song after but we didn't, which I was completely fine with. No musical talent over on this end.

The next couple hours was a discussion in a tiny teacher's office with a female professor who talked with us about our topic--immigration. It was very, very interesting and helpful (at least for me), but she didn't speak English. I had to do a lot of the translating, which was good practice for me. Anyway I have a lot of good material that I'll be sure to talk about later, but I'm a little out of it still. One thing I will note that is interesting is the stereotypes between Nicas and Ticos.

• Ticos view Nicas as lazy, cochino (pig-like), stupid, uneducated, unrefined, having darker (uglier) skin, and as being violent, causing Costa Rica's social problems, and taking any job they can get their dirty little hands on.
• Nicas view Ticos as being materialistic, desiring lots of money but not having it, being vain, spending money on their image, haugty, stuck-up, less friendly and helpful, and thinking they are better and more sophisticaed than anybody else in Central America.

I had encountered that stereotype of Nicaraguans in Costa Rica, and I asked her how that reputation started. She said around 1980 after the end of Nicaragua's civil war. At that point in time lots of Nicas would leave their farms and head south to Costa Rica to work in the coffee fields. It paid better and there was a perpetual labor shortage in the booming coffee industry. Most of the fields were centered around San José, so these campesinos would generally eat, live, etc. in San José while there were in Costa Rica to pick coffee. Thus, you get the Costa Rican impression of a Nicaraguan: a darker skinned, poor, dirty, uneducated campesino living in the big city. That's how it all started, more or less.

Anyways after that we had lunch and went to a laguna to go swimming for a little bit. We convinced a resort to let us use their dock and bathrooms to change. In exchange we had to do a kayaking competition to entertain the resort guests (who were primarily older and American, and largely Morman). There were about ten of us. Two at a time raced down to a water buoy, turned, and came back, with the loser being eliminated. I won my first two races and ended up in the finals against a guy from Belgium who had a cigarette between heats, and almost missed his second race because he had to take a bathroom break after "seven beers." I knew he'd be winded, so I tried to give him as little rest as possible. I beat him in the finals and won a free pint of Flor del Caño 7 year rum, which is great.

We headed back to the hostel briefly, then went to a market that has live music on Thursdays. I got some goodies, which will remain secrets so people don't spy on what I may or may not have gotten them...and several people bought hammocks. There are a ton of them here. Once I can upload pics or get them from other people I will. One thing worth noting--I had a real steak for the first time in several weeks, and it was glorious. Thought I should mention that. We hung out and watched the traditional dancers and had a couple beers, leaving there at 900 or so, then back to the hostel for Megan's birthday!

It was Megan's 21st birthday, and we went to this crazy bar called...well I don't know what it was called. It had a crazy Jesus crucifixion statue on the wall and other funky decorations. I went home around midnight because Friday's supposed to be the busiest day (and it ended up being pretty busy). More on that later. Nap time.